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FEATURE: Farewell Fidel

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submitted by Margaret Burin last modified 2008-05-08 21:34

On February 19, Fidel Castro created waves when he announced his resignation as President in a letter to Cuba’s state-run newspaper. His departure was seemingly inevitable due to the effects of time and age, but has left the country uncertain of the direction in which it is now heading. So what will this mean for Cuba? The Cuban people wait in anticipation as the ‘post-Fidel era’ begins, writes Margaret Burin

Fidel, 81, has handed power to his younger brother, Raul Castro. In 2006, Raul, 76, was acting President while Fidel recovered from surgery to fix intestinal bleeding.

Although the former defence minister has already assured the nation that Fidel will still be consulted on major decisions, Raul has already begun to relax several restrictions placed upon Cuba during the five decades of Fidel’s rule.

Dr Craig Snyder, Senior Lecturer of International and Political Studies at Deakin University, is sceptical about the possibility of Fidel’s resignation instigating major change for Cuba.

“Raul has been a close confidant of Fidel’s ever since the revolution… [and] had many opportunities to change the system if he had wanted to.”

For example, since his appointment, Raul has lifted the ban on mobile phones and computers. This is seen by some to be a significant breakthrough in information, technology and global markets, and foremost a growing freedom for Cuban citizens. However, the fact is, such electronics are extremely costly in comparison to the Cuban average wage. 

Dr Snyder says, “The true test will be when people actually start using them.”

“The price at the moment will keep them out of the hands of the vast majority of the population and so the influence will be marginal.”

Fidel’s successor has before him a weak state, with poor social conditions and growing unrest.

Edward Gonzalez and Kevin F. McCarthy, authors of Cuba after Castro: legacies, challenges, and impediments, believe that with the current structural, economic and social issues at hand, any leader after Fidel would be required “to operate under very different conditions, balancing the need for economic and social reforms” with the regime’s control.

This suggests the introduction of an economic model similar to China's could be key, where more private enterprise is slowly encouraged and foreign investment rules are relaxed.

Nonetheless, 46 years of US embargo against Cuba remains to be one of the strongest factors holding back both the economy and its people. Dr Snyder believes that getting the embargoes lifted would prove to be more effective than anything else.

Interestingly, after Fidel’s resignation, US President George W. Bush promptly raised his hand, offering to help the Cuban people realise ‘democracy’, ‘liberty’ and ‘freedom’. But President Bush has given no signs to imply that the embargoes will be lifted any time soon.

Dr Snyder believes that once the United States' government stops being hypocritical and starts dealing with Cuba as they do with other communist states, the Cuban people will start to realise a better quality of life.                                                                        

Gonzalez and McCarthy argue that US policy should consider lifting the embargo, on the condition of a more democratically-orientated leadership.

However, Snyder argues, “The US often criticises Cuba for its human rights record but…is happy to deal, and trade, with countries such as China and Vietnam whose human rights records are just as bad, or worse, than Cuba’s.” 

Although acknowledging the Cuban peoples’ desire to partake in basic economic and human rights, Dr Snyder says, “Cuba was not democratic prior to the revolution and there has been little in the way of mass forms of dissident activity within Cuba to suggest the people are unhappy with the Castro leadership.”

“I think the majority are not all that concerned about politics. Rather, they are interested in improving their individual living conditions.”